By Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter
Historians have committed unusually little consciousness to African American city heritage of the postwar interval, specially in comparison with past a long time. Correcting this imbalance, African American city historical past due to the fact global conflict II positive aspects a thrilling mixture of pro students and clean new voices whose mixed efforts give you the first complete review of this crucial subject. the 1st of this volume’s 5 groundbreaking sections specializes in black migration and Latino immigration, interpreting tensions and alliances that emerged among African american citizens and different teams. Exploring the demanding situations of residential segregation and deindustrialization, later sections take on such themes because the genuine property industry’s discriminatory practices, the move of middle-class blacks to the suburbs, and the impact of black city activists on nationwide employment and social welfare guidelines. one other staff of participants examines those subject matters throughout the lens of gender, chronicling deindustrialization’s disproportionate effect on girls and women’s best roles in hobbies for social swap. Concluding with a suite of essays on black tradition and intake, this quantity absolutely realizes its target of linking neighborhood ameliorations with the nationwide and worldwide methods that have an effect on city type and race relatives.
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Additional info for African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America)
By 1980, blacks accounted for 29 percent of the population, as the proportion of whites declined to 47 percent; Latinos made up 10 percent of all residents. As in so many cities throughout California during the 1980s and 1990s, the Latino population rose dramatically at the same time that the number of blacks dropped—drastically, in the case of Seaside, after the closure of the Fort Ord military base in 1994, which had been an important source of employment for the African American community. Between 1990 and 2000, the black population declined from 22 percent to about 13 percent, while the Latino proportion of city residents more than doubled, from 17 percent to nearly 35 percent.
Indeed, these types of conflicts characterize much of the current tension among blacks, Latinos, and others. But the new racial frontier is different from past ethnic and race relations on at least three counts. First, interactions on a daily basis in the new cities and suburbs of 39 40 camarillo color do not, for the most part, involve whites; they involve members of minority groups that now form the great majority populations. Second, a discourse involving group rights advocated by historically disadvantaged racial minorities informs and at the same time exacerbates interactions among some groups in the post–civil rights era.
Whereas 45 percent of blacks in the South had lived on farms in 1940, only 1 percent did so in 1980. Those who remained in areas classified as rural usually had little to do with agriculture. These declining numbers, dramatic as they are, understate the change. Villages and towns disappeared. Indeed, a whole subregion—the great cotton belt, also known as the “Black Belt”— changed composition. Whites also left, but not at the same rate. The rural South became whiter as a result of the Second Great Migration.
African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America) by Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter